Tourism and Development in Ballyhoura : Women ' s Business ?

Tourism and other kinds of local development have become important elements in generating employment in rural Ireland. Yet, despite a commitment to local participation and to gender auditing, women are typically under-represented in structures promoting tourism and other kinds of development at local level (Kearney, et al., 1995). Using documentary evidence, this paper first describes this phenomenon in one particular area (viz., Ballyhoura). Second, drawing on O'Connell's (1987) work, i t suggests that this pattern reflects the subtle nature and limits of patriarchal control. Third, drawing on interview material with a sample of women who were individual shareholders in the Ballyhoura Failte Co-operative, i t suggests that this control involves the selective obscuring of gender in particular contexts, and the selective discounting of the structural realities of power and money. Finally, the article highlights those factors which play a part in modifying some of the consequences, but not the consensual reality, of such control. I I N T R O D U C T I O N T ourism has come very much into focus i n I re land since 1989 when i t was specifically targeted by the Nat ional Development Plan 1989-1993 (1989, p. 61) as a sector for development. W i t h the help of the European Regional Development Fund, £300 m i l l i o n was made available for invest­ ment i n tour i sm i n the 1989-1993 period. The Operational Programme for Tourism 1994-1999 (Department of Tourism and Trade, 1994) describes i t as *The author would like to thank the anonymous referees and the editor, Christopher T. Whelan, as well as acknowledging the co-operation of the Board and Staff of Ballyhoura Development, and the Management Committee, the women Shareholders and the Staff of Ballyhoura Failte; also the contribution of the University of Limerick who provided seed funding for this project, and Maire Buckley and Susan Liddy who were the interviewers on i t . a £2 b i l l i o n a year indus t ry which is targeted for an investment of £652 m i l l i o n over the 1994-1999 period. The Operational Programme for Tourism, 1994-1999 (Department of Tour ism and Trade, 1994) noted tha t by 1993, roughly 91,000 people were fu l ly employed i n tour ism and related sectors, w i t h such jobs accounting for roughly ha l f of the net increase i n nat ional employment between 1988-1993. Furthermore, they estimated tha t i n tha t period, i ts share of GNP went from 5.8 per cent to 7 per cent. Tour ism is seen as very much part of a r u r a l development ini t ia t ive . Euro­ pean policy on r u r a l development i n the 1990s has stressed the importance of local in i t i a t ives i n the tou r i sm and related areas. The Leader I In i t i a t i ve (Liaisons entre actions developpement de l'6conomie rurale) was launched by the E U Commission i n I re land i n 1991 as a way of fac i l i ta t ing such local development w i t h a budget of £35 m i l l i o n (Kearney, et al., 1995). Despite the commitment to gender audi t ing s t ructural funds, as wel l as the central importance of women i n many aspects of local r u r a l development, and the predominant ly female nature of service employment i n general, and tour ism i n part icular , l i t t l e a t tent ion has been paid to the gender dimension of such r u r a l development policies. This pat tern is not peculiar to Ireland. Thus, the Consultants i n the Four th Joint Oireachtas Committee Report (1994) having reviewed l i t e r a tu re across Europe, noted t h a t the role r u r a l women are capable of, and wish to play, was not being addressed i n either the design or the implementa t ion of r u r a l development policies. They argued tha t i f th is issue was not tackled, r u r a l development policy would not only continue to be unequal but would also be ineffective. This paper looks at one par t icu lar geographical area (viz. Bal lyhoura) which not only received Leader I funding, but also had an established profile as a centre for community effort and adult education pre-dating tha t funding. Us ing documentary mater ia l , the proportion of women who are part icipat ing i n structures promoting tour ism and other kinds of development i n tha t area is described. Par t icular a t tent ion is paid to the position of women w i t h i n those structures which are intended to reflect the local community, since the very rat ionale of the Leader in i t i a t ive is tha t i t uses local part icipat ion and local ideas to create local employment. Bal lyhoura is unusual i n so far as there is a we l l known and widely respected Chief Executive there, who is a woman. I t w i l l be argued tha t her presence has mit igated the impact of the under-representation of women i n specific ways. This uhder-representation of women i n those structures promoting tourism and other kinds of development i n Ballyhoura could arguably be explained by a var ie ty of specific historical factors peculiar to this area, such as the way committees were constituted; the evolution of the structures from a tourism co-operative to a more broadly based development agency, etc. However, i n view of the consistency w i t h which similar patterns have emerged nat ional ly and internat ional ly , the paper w i l l suggest t ha t these patterns are indicative of the existence of a subtle patriarchal control mechanism which involves the selective obscuring of gender i n particular contexts, and the selective endorse­ ment of a perspective which discounts the s t ruc tura l rea l i ty of power and money. This control is seen as "consensual control" (Ransome, 1992) i n the sense tha t i t is wi l l ing ly assented to by those who are subject to i t . The existence of such mechanisms is deduced from interviews w i t h a sample ( N = 33) of ind iv idua l female shareholders i n Bal lyhoura Fai l te (the local Tour ism Co-operative). I t w i l l be shown tha t i n areas where men had power and/or where the recognition of "difference" migh t erode men's power, the whole issue of gender was obscured. Thus, for example, the women d id not "notice" tha t women were under-represented i n positions of power i n those structures promoting tourism and other kinds of development i n Bal ly­ houra. They stressed tha t thei r interests were "the same as everyone else's" i n terms of employment creating in i t ia t ives . They felt uncomfortable w i t h the idea of strategies which would create employment specifically for women, and/or w i t h those which would positively discriminate i n favour of women at the level of committees, t r a in ing and employment. On the other hand, how­ ever, gender differences were recognised i n other contexts. Thus, they saw tour ism structures such as Ballyhoura Failte, the local Tourism Co-operative which d id not disburse Leader funding, as much more relevant to women t han those structures related to Ballyhoura Development, which had Leader funds to distr ibute. The ideas the women put forward as regards the future development of the area were very much home and family based (and reflected the i r own par t icular gendered position i n I r i s h society). Fur thermore , the strategies they identif ied to facilitate women's employment ( including enter­ prise grants for women; an adviser for women; and subsidies/allowances for chi ld care costs) reflected the fact t ha t they typical ly d id not have ready access to cash, had responsibili ty for ch i ld care, etc. They felt comfortable iden t i fy ing confidence b u i l d i n g but not quotas as a way of f ac i l i t a t i ng women's employment. They did not seem to see the "world" i n terms of power and/or money. Indeed, overwhelmingly they d id not even "notice" tha t Bal ly­ houra Development had Leader funds. I n addit ion to impl ic i t ly perpetuating an equation between men, power and money i n the wider area of tou r i sm and other kinds of development, these women's perceptions of their own r u r a l community tourism init iat ives as making a "real" (i.e., economic) contr ibut ion to the household finances, reflected an i m p l i c i t devaluing of the i r contr i ­ butions as housewives, mothers, farm workers and members of local groups and associations. I t has been wide ly recognised t h a t pa t r i a rcha l power is l i k e l y to be differently experienced by women of different classes and races. Hence, the characteristics of the women who were in terviewed i n th i s study w i l l be described i n th i s paper. I t is clear tha t as middle aged, re la t ively w e l l educated women, predominantly marr ied to farmers w i t h 100 acres or more, they are not typical of r u r a l women generally, or indeed of farm wives. They are not atypical , however, i n terms of their low level of part icipat ion i n paid employment and the i r low level of farm ownership. L ike most I r i s h marr ied women, t he i r re la t ionship w i t h the economic system is mediated th rough the i r husbands. Thei r par t ic ipat ion i n r u r a l community tour ism thus poten­ t i a l l y contains w i t h i n i t se l f the genesis of resistance (Benton, 1981) since such act ivi t ies give these women economic resources as we l l as a sense of meaning and ident i ty which transcends their famil ia l identi ty. The paper is thus a speculative exploration of the subtle nature and l imi t s of consensual pat r iarchal control, such control being seen as explaining the over-representation of men i n local structures promoting tour ism and other kinds of development i n one area (viz. Ballyhoura). I I T H E D O C U M E N T A R Y E V I D E N C E I t has been we l l established tha t women are par t icular ly un l ike ly to be represented on boards or committees which are making decisions about local development projects. O'Malley's work (1992) showed tha t i n the pi lot pro­ gramme for In tegra ted Rura l Development i n 12 r u r a l areas i n I re land i n 1988-90, women made up only 15 per cent (21/146) of the to ta l number of Core Group members deciding on and implement ing local development pro­ jects. Kearney, et al. (1995) found t h a t i n the case of Leader I schemes, women's involvement at Board level was very small. Furthermore only 10 per cent of a l l directors were women, w i t h almost two thirds of the Boards having at most one female director. I t has also been recognised tha t this is i ronical since: many of the in i t i a t ives are i n areas where t rad i t iona l ly women have played a leading role e.g., agri-tourism, recreation and leisure and alter­ native agriculture (Dorgan, et al., 1994, p. 21) Yet despite a commitment to gender audi t ing s t ructural funds, strategies to tackle this have typical ly not been put i n place. I t w i l l be shown t h a t s imilar trends emerged i n Ballyhoura. Bal lyhoura includes an area w i t h i n roughly a 20 mile radius of Kilf inane and embraces parts of L i m e r i c k , Cork and Tipperary. The area has no clearly defined geographical or other boundaries (although for the purposes of Leader fund­ ing , these have been identified). The area was specifically selected because of i ts established profile as a centre for community effort and adul t education, pre-dating Leader I funding. W i t h the co-operation of the Manager of the Bal lyhoura Fai l te Society (who is also the Chief Executive of Ba l lyhoura Development Ltd . ) and the Project Manager of Ballyhoura Development L t d . , i t was possible to document the involvement of women i n the structures associated w i t h tourism and other kinds of development i n this area. The Tour i sm Co-operative (Bal lyhoura Fai l te) emerged i n 1986 from a background of strong community involvement i n the area, associated w i t h Ki l f inane Development Association and the educational and recreational activities of Ki l f inane Education Centre, assisted by Shannon Development, the then Y E A and ACOT (Keane and Quinn , 1990). The founder members were described (Fox, 1993a, p. 1) as "four accommodation providers, two farmers offering educational visits and Kil f inane Education Centre". Under Leader I , £1.46 m i l l i o n was received, and i t was est imated t h a t up to December 1993, this had generated 47 jobs (27 ful l t ime, 18 partt ime, and 2 seasonal). The tour is t indust ry i n this t rad i t iona l ly non-tourist area was estimated to be wor th £100,000 i n 1986, and £1.8 m i l l i o n i n 1994, providing 3 per cent of the income i n the area i n 1994 (Fox, 1994). I n th is section we w i l l look at women's par t ic ipa t ion i n the structures which have fuelled th is development. These include Bal lyhoura Fai l te , the Tourism Co-operative, which is responsible for market ing, tour ism informa­ t ion, act ivi ty development, as we l l as more general issues related to tour i sm policy, strategies; and Bal lyhoura Development, wh ich is now the overal l "engine" for development, involved i n f raming business plans, d i s t r ibu t ing Leader funds, etc. A number of other committees are associated w i t h these two structures and these w i l l be discussed below. Membership of the Tourism Co-Operative (i.e., Bal lyhoura Fail te) is open to individuals , groups and statutory agencies. I n 1994 there were a to ta l of 113 ind iv idua l shareholders i n Bal lyhoura Fai l te , of which 76 (67%) were women. Such ind iv idua l shareholders are typ ica l ly involved i n Bed and Breakfast, Vis i to r Farms, Self Catering, etc. The structure representing a l l shareholders ( inc luding ind iv idua l shareholders) is the Bal lyhoura Fai l te Management Committee. I n 1994 the Bal lyhoura Fail te Management Com­ mittee consisted of 14 members, of whom 7 were women. This is i n fact the structure where women are most strongly represented. I t is also a structure which does not disburse Leader funds. Furthermore, even i n this case, the apparent 50 per cent representation of women needs to be seen i n the context of the fact t ha t the 14 members included three community representatives (al l men) and a statutory representative (a woman). Thus, when we look at the rat io between representation on the Ballyhoura Fail te Management Com­ mittee and ind iv idua l share ownership, men are clearly over-represented, i.e., the ra t io being 4:37 men, as compared w i t h 6:76 women. I n addi t ion to ind iv idua l shareholders i n Bal lyhoura Fail te , i t is possible for groups or communities to take out group membership and 37 have done so. Nominees from each of the groups make up the Community Consultative Committee. I n 1994, 34 of the 37 had ident i f ied nominees and, of these, 10 were women and 24 were men (29% women). Hence, quite clearly, as Communi ty representatives and members of the Communi ty Consultative Committee, women are effectively under-represented even i n the structures of Bal lyhoura Failte. I n the late 1980s a sub-committee of Bal lyhoura Fail te called the Bal ly­ houra Development Board was established to act as an "engine" for develop­ ment i n Bal lyhoura. I t s structure was formally l a id down, w i t h the possibility of inc lud ing non-voting members. The Ballyhoura Development Board draws i ts membership from Bal lyhoura Fail te (4 nominees), from the Community Consultat ive Committee (4 nominees), from corporate/private organisations (2 nominees) and from designated statutory bodies (7 nominees). I n 1992, the Bal lyhoura Development Board ceased to be a sub-committee of Bal lyhoura Fai l te , hav ing acquired £1.46 m i l l i o n of Leader I funding to implement "an in tegra ted p l an w i t h strategies i n tour i sm, education, t o w n and vi l lage renewal, small and medium enterprises and agriculture and forestry" (Doody, 1993, p. 4; see also Keane and Quinn, 1990; Fox, 1992; 1993a and b). I n 1994 membership of the Bal lyhoura Development Board consisted of 17 vot ing and 2 non-voting members, i n addition to 3 executive members (i.e., the Manager, Bal lyhoura Fai l te Society (who is also the Chief Executive of Ba l lyhoura Development); Projects Manager Bal lyhoura Development and the Accountant) . I n 1994 women made up 14 per cent (3/22) of the Board ( 1 female executive; 1 female representative of Ba l lyhoura Fa i l te ; and 1 female non-voting member). The male/female composition of the Bal lyhoura Development Board i n 1994, reflects the fact tha t the 7 nominees of the Statutory Bodies (i.e., Shan­ non Development; L imer ick Co. Council; Teagasc; Coillte Teo; FAS; Limer ick V E C and CERT) are a l l male; tha t the 2 nominees of the corporate/private sector (Dairygold and Golden Vale) are also male; tha t the 4 nominees of the Consultative Committee sent forward to the Board are male; as are 3 of the 4 members sent forward by the Bal lyhoura Fai l te Management Committee. Hence, i n fact, of the 17 vot ing members, only 1 of those on the Bal lyhoura Development Board is a woman. The si tuation is ameliorated by the fact tha t of the 3 executive members, 1 (the Chief Executive of Bal lyhoura Develop­ ment) , is a woman; and tha t 1 of the 2 non-voting members is a woman. Nevertheless, the net effect is tha t women s t i l l only constitute 14 per cent of the to ta l membership of Ballyhoura Development Board. This Board is part icular ly important i n so far as, on foot of pu t t ing forward a Bal lyhoura Mult i-Sectoral Business Plan w i t h a proposed Rura l Tour ism Investment of £1.46m, i t was selected for funding under the then EC Leader I Programme i n 1992 (Fox, 1993b). The Board has spawned a number of committees which deal w i t h specific aspects of the project (Fox, 1992). Over­ whelmingly the people on these committees are members, or nominees, of the Board, thereby further under l ining the importance of Board membership. One of the most impor tant of these committees (and the one which meets most frequently, i.e., 2 meetings per month) is the Project Appeals Com­ mittee. I t can decide on funding for projects up to £20,000. O f the 8 members on t h a t Commit tee i n 1994, only 1 (the Chief Executive of Ba l lyhoura Development Ltd . ) is a woman. A s imilar pa t tern exists on the Bal lyhoura Executive Committee who meet every 3 to 4 weeks, where of the 5 members only 1 (the Chief Executive mentioned above) is a woman; the Bal lyhoura Enterprise Support Team which meets once a month, where of the 10 mem­ bers, only 1 (the same Chief Executive) is a woman; the Finance Committee which meets every 2 months, where of the 6 members, only 1 (the same Chief Executive) is a woman. There are 3 women amongst the 6 people on the Educat ion and Tra in ing Committee ( including the same Chief Executive); and there are 4 women amongst the 20 people on the Ballyhoura Agr icu l tu ra l Committee ( including the same Chief Executive) bu t th is Committee only meets every 5-6 months. Hence, of the major Committees spawned by the Bal lyhoura Development Board, none has more than a female representation of 25 per cent, and i n fact i f the Chief Executive of Bal lyhoura Development were not a woman, i t is arguable tha t there would be no woman at a l l on 4 of the 6 committees, since she is the only woman currently on them. Quite clearly then, a l though Bal lyhoura is s trongly commit ted to co­ operative and community development and al though women, th rough the i r involvement i n Ballyhoura Failte have had experience of co-operative involve­ ment and organisat ional structures; and a l though they r ema in the pre­ dominant group concerned w i t h Rura l Communi ty Tour i sm i n the area (which was a major focus of Leader I funding), they are severely underrepresented i n the multi-sectoral development structures associated w i t h Ba l lyhoura Development. These are the structures w h i c h disburse E U funding. They are also under-represented at Management Committee level i n Bal lyhoura Fail te (the Tourism Co-operative) albeit tha t the pat tern here is less extreme t h a n i n the case of Ba l lyhoura Development: indeed i t is suggested tha t th is is not unrelated to the very different level of resources available to the two structures. There is an increasing awareness of the need to gender-proof a l l S t ructura l F u n d programmes. The f i rs t report of the M o n i t o r i n g Committee on the Implementa t ion of the Recommendations of the Second Commission on the Status of Women indicated that: I n general i t is the intent ion tha t the relevant departments and agencies w i l l 1 ensure tha t measures and programmes under the s t ructural funds w i l l comply w i t h the principle tha t there w i l l be no direct or indirect d iscr iminat ion on grounds of gender ... (Department of Equal i ty & Law Reform, 1994, p. 25). This has been reflected i n the recommendation to applicants for Leader I I funding "to take account of equality of opportunity i n assessing applications for aid"; they "are directed not to grant aid a project or applicant group which operates any policy of d iscr iminat ion on grounds of gender ... even i f tha t d iscr iminat ion is not complained o f (Department of Agricul ture , 1994). This raises a number of issues inc lud ing wha t constitutes direct or indi rec t d iscr iminat ion i n a h ighly gendered society, given the effects of past discrim­ ina t ion on access to resources, confidence, representation on grant awarding bodies, etc. The nature of the mechanisms to be put i n place to alter the patterns of representation (e.g., targets or quotas) and to monitor their effects have only begun to be identified. However, the Bal lyhoura experience impl ic i t ly suggests tha t the impact of the under-representation of women i n these structures may be modified by the i d e n t i t y of the Chief Executive. I n Bal lyhoura , the Chief Executive of Ba l lyhoura Development is a woman who is w e l l known and wide ly respected. The presence of a woman i n such a posit ion is very unusual (Kearney, et al., 1995) and reflects a wider societal pa t tern invo lv ing the under-representation of women i n managerial positions i n I r i s h society (see O'Connor, 1995a; Mahon , 1994; Garavan, 1994). I t is suggested tha t her presence as the (female) Chief Executive of Ballyhoura Development and her par t ic ipat ion i n a wide variety of key committees has an impor tant effect on l i m i t i n g the extent and nature of pa t r ia rchal control w i t h i n Ba l lyhoura Development. I t is suggested tha t th is occurs i n two ways: f irst by affecting the relative propor t ion of men and women who are offered funding, and second by affecting the propor t ion of men and women who are actual ly employed consequent on Leader ini t ia t ives . The f i rs t suggestion rests on the idea that , w i t h i n a h igh ly gendered society, women's ideas as regards development are l i ke ly to be seen by male boards as "less viable", "less attractive", bu t this perception may be altered by the active presence of a women-orientated Chief Executive. The second idea focuses on the fact tha t there is clear evidence t h a t the creation of paid employment for women as opposed to men has not been seen as a p r i o r i t y by State structures (Pyle, 1990; Mahon , 1994). O'Donovan and C u r t i n (1991) have also noted tha t i n I re land, nat ional and regional indus t r i a l development policies have typical ly reflected ideologies which have regarded women's employment needs as secondary. Indeed, th is very assumption is evident i n Breathnach (1992) and Breathnach et alii. (1994) conclusion tha t despite the disproportionate employment of women i n the touris t industry, the development of this area should be "challenged"; the impl ica t ion being tha t in i t ia t ives which provide employment to women are less impor tan t t han (male) indus t r i a l jobs. Such ideological positions seem par t i cu la r ly questionable i n view of Whe lan et alii. (1991) f i n d i n g t h a t mar r ied women who are work ing ful lt ime i n the home are twice as l ike ly as those who are i n paid employment to experience psychological distress. I t is, however, compatible w i t h an obscuring of the very rea l impor tance of women's paid employment and the implications of this. (See Blackwell , 1987; and more recently, Shortal l , 1991; Byrne, 1994, O'Hara, 1993 and 1994). Once again, the presence of an active Chief Executive migh t we l l affect these tendencies, and hence impact on the balance of male/female jobs created. F i r s t then i n Bal lyhoura, the documentary evidence showed that , under Leader I , up to the period of 30th A p r i l , 1994, ju s t under 1 i n 5 of a l l offers (i.e., 19%: 34/175) were made to women. Kearney, et al. (1995) showed tha t nat ionally the average was very similar: 20 per cent of the project promoters being women. They noted tha t there was a wide range of var ia t ion between areas (70% to 40%). Kearney, et al. (1995) also noted tha t i n those areas where roughly one-third of the project promoters were women, an a t tempt was being made to involve women i n r u r a l development. The pic ture is complicated by the existence of communi ty and co-operative projects. I n Ballyhoura, when community and co-operative projects were excluded i n the present examination of the documentary evidence jus t 1 i n 3 letters of offer were made to women. I t is not possible to say why women are under-represented as promoters, a l though clearly the lack of awareness of the structures w i t h Leader funds (which w i l l be shown i n th is study) is not helpful . Equal ly , t he i r typ ica l diff icul ty i n get t ing access to matching funds (reflected i n th is study i n the i r desire for Enterprise Grants) may be a factor. Indeed, there was indirect sup­ port for this idea i n so far as i n the area of r u r a l tour ism (the most common type of project for women) the documentary mater ia l showed t h a t h a l f the offers were to "private" projects; whereas i n the case of agr icul ture and forestry (the most common type of project for men) more t han four-fifths of the offers were to "private" projects (Fox, 1994). I n this context, i t is also perhaps w o r t h no t ing tha t at tempts by the Chief Executive to solve the problem of matching funds by a local lo t tery generating a revolv ing fund (O'Connor, 1995b) had not been accepted under Leader I a l though i t was being proposed again for Leader I I . Such an arrangement wou ld be of par t icu lar value to women whose access to resources is typical ly indirect . Again , the impact of the female Chief Executive may not be unrelated to such init iat ives. The examinat ion of the second indicator of the l imi t s of patriarchal control was even more s t r i k i n g . The documentary evidence showed t h a t i n Bal lyhoura up to December 1993, 57 per cent of a l l the jobs created went to women (i.e., h a l f of the fu l l t ime (15/27) and three-fifths (12/20) of the par t time/seasonal jobs). This was considerably higher than the pa t tern which emerged across Leader I projects taken as a whole (i.e., 39%). Kearney, et al. (1995) do not provide a breakdown by gender and part t ime/ful l t ime. They do note tha t the proportion of jobs which went to women varied from 21 per cent to 64 per cent. Hence qui te clearly Bal lyhoura is at the top end of the cont inuum, and al though one cannot prove this , i t seems plausible to regard the Chief Executive as an impor tan t element i n modifying the impact of a patr iarchal bias favouring male employment. Nevertheless, her presence and energy cannot be regarded as a satisfactory solution to the issue of female representat ion i n the structures promot ing tour i sm and other k inds of development i n Ballyhoura. I l l T H E O R E T I C A L CONTEXT As out l ined i n the in t roduct ion, i t is suggested tha t the under-representa t ion of women i n those local structures promoting tourism and other kinds of development i n Bal lyhoura is part of a very much wider phenomenon, and t h a t i t reflects and reinforces a pa t tern of consensual patr iarchal control. This control is extremely subtle and involves the obscuring of gender, and par t i cu la r ly the relat ionship between gender and power and/or money i n par t icular contexts. A t the heart of i t lies the idea tha t the dominant group has established hegemonic control (Ransome, 1992) and tha t one of the ways th rough w h i c h such control is leg i t imated is by obscuring i t s gendered nature. This paper draws on the work of Connell (1987) who sees the abi l i ty to define situations and identi t ies i n a par t icular way as a key element i n pat r iarchal control. He sees the relationship between legit imate power (i.e., au thor i ty) and mascul ini ty as a crucial element i n main ta in ing and leg i t i ­ ma t i ng consensual patr iarchal control. He suggests tha t the most effective way of main ta in ing such control is by those involved not even perceiving i t . I n th i s s i tua t ion , gender differences become obscured, i r re levant , invis ible . Thus, w i t h i n a society where "difference" is not valued, women w i l l happily collude w i t h the not ion tha t "their interests are the same as everyone else's", t ha t "anyone can sit on a committee", etc. W i t h i n such a context, a focus on gender may be perceived by women as effectively an a t tempt to demean them. Here, however, i t is argued tha t i t is a subtle mechanism of patr iarchal control since the obscuring of gender typical ly facilitates men's interests. I t w i l l be argued tha t i n situations where the recognition of "difference" would be i n women's interests (e.g., i n breaking the l i n k between "women and tour i sm" and "men and development") i t does not occur. Fur thermore , i n situations where women at tempt to specify the i r "difference" and to aff i rm the rea l i ty of the i r gendered lives, the difference is negatively valued. I t is impor tant to stress tha t such patr iarchal control is not seen as to ta l . Benton (1981) has argued t h a t the seeds of i nd iv idua l resistance are inev i tab ly generated by the complexity of i nd iv idua l s ' actual experiences. These processes can also be identified i n Ballyhoura. The key point, however, is t ha t they are occurring w i t h i n a context where male access to power and resources is seen by women as unproblematic — indeed i t is not "seen" at a l l . Patr iarchy has been defined by H a r t m a n n (1981, p. 14) as "a set of social relat ions between men wh ich have a ma te r i a l base, and wh ich , though hierarchical, establish or create interdependence and solidari ty among men tha t enable them to dominate women". H a r t m a n n focuses on the mate r i a l basis of pa t r ia rchy bu t i t is equally impor t an t to stress the perceived legitimacy of this arrangement and part icularly the legitimacy of male access to economic resources, to positions w i t h i n the public arena, to the ab i l i ty to formulate rules and regulations, etc., on the basis of gender. This pa t tern is typica l ly taken-for-granted i n a patr iarchal society, and seen as an " inevi­ table" consequence of a "natural" order which is reflected i n and validated by ideas about "men's place", "masculinity", etc. W i t h a small number of notable exceptions (such as Pyle, 1990; Shortal l , 1991; Mahon, 1994) the nature of this real i ty has barely begun to be described by academics i n Ireland. Feminist theory over the past fifteen years has been part icular ly concerned w i t h the relat ionship between capital ism, patr iarchy and race, and the i r impl ica t ions as regards women's experience of inequal i ty , explo i ta t ion , oppression, marginalisation, etc. (see Tong, 1992; Walby, 1990). As noted by Barker and Roberts (1993) less at tention has been paid to a theory of power w h i c h i l lumina tes the way i n which pa t r ia rchal control is exercised and legi t imated w i t h i n part icular contexts, such as the community or indeed, the State. This paper is seen as a contribution to this debate. This issue was earlier ident if ied i n Lukes ' (1974) classic depiction of a three dimensional view of power. He highl ighted the fact tha t power can be exercised very subtly. Thus, i t can come into play not only i n overr iding the preferences of another person (the one dimensional view); but for example i n controll ing the items on an agenda, and hence i n affecting even the kinds of options or decisions which are perceived to exist (the two dimensional view). A t an even more fundamenta l level , he suggested tha t power could be exercised by groups or ind iv idua ls ge t t ing others to wan t to do wha t is effectively against thei r "real interests" (the three dimensional view). There are considerable difficulties involved i n operationalising Lukes ' ideas (recognised indeed by himself: Lukes, 1986). Those difficulties which are i m p l i c i t i n the ident i f icat ion of the "real interests" of the subordinate group have been described by Benton (1981, p. 182) as reflecting wha t he calls "the paradox of emancipation", i.e., I f the autonomy of subordinate groups (classes) is to be respected, then emancipation is out of the question; whereas i f emancipation is to be brought about, i t cannot be self-emancipation. He has t r i ed to f ind a way round this dilemma by suggesting tha t impl ic i t i n the divers i ty of people's own experiences lies the possibili ty of a trans­ format ion i n the i r consciousness, and the ident i f icat ion of identi t ies and interests which are opposed to patriarchal control: A woman who has been socially constituted as a member of a family and identif ies w i t h her posi t ion and role w i t h i n t h a t fami ly may also, th rough contact w i t h feminist ideas and organizations, come to acquire p a r t i a l l y or even whol ly , confl ict ing identif ications, and so come to deploy a new conception of her interest which, under at least some cir­ cumstances, may issue i n courses of action inconsistent w i t h her ident i ty as a member of a family. (Benton, 1981, p. 181) Benton's work thus suggests the theoretical possibility of l imi t s to patriarchal control and is compatible w i t h Foucault's (1980, p. 95) notion tha t "where there is power, there is resistance". Th i s paper is also influenced by the work of Davies (1995) who has suggested tha t the representation by men of women's interests i n the public area is i n i t s e l f a pa r t i cu l a r ly i m p o r t a n t element i n the def in i t ion of mascul ini ty and hence a key issue w i t h i n a patriarchy. She suggests that i t is l inked w i t h a concept of feminin i ty which is premised on female wi thdrawal from such areas, on remaining i n the private sphere and/or dependent of the protection of a man. I n this perspective the continuance of men's abi l i ty to represent 1 women's interests i n the public arena constitutes a way through w h i c h "greatness" can be achieved by men and thei r own self interested desires for power obscured: I n pursu i t of a cause, the struggle for power is ennobled and becomes worthy. The man w i t h the cause is the hero, the leader, the one who can achieve t rue greatness. (Davies, 1995, p. 32) The area for such representation is of course very much wider i n the case of middle class t han work ing class men. However, overall , the legit imacy of men's abi l i ty to represent women i n the public arena is a crucial element i n patr iarchal control, precisely because i t is impor tant i n men's own definit ion of themselves. Yet i t is obvious tha t i n many ways i t sits uneasily w i t h the concept of a part icipatory democracy which is imp l i c i t i n the whole idea of local development. I t is also clear t ha t increasingly i n Western Society the appropriateness of black people being represented by whites; unemployed people by those who are employed; disabled by able bodied people, etc., is being challenged. W i t h i n this context the appropriateness of men represent­ i n g women is essentially fragile. As noted earlier, pa t r iarchal control is never to ta l . I n th i s context, the sheer existence of the (female) Chief Executive Officer, and her efficiency and effectiveness can be seen as a way of quiet ly resisting such control. Indeed, one m i g h t argue tha t i n so far as one focused s imply on the male/female composition of those employed consequent on Leader I in i t ia t ives , then the ident i ty of the Chief Executive is more impor tant than the composition of the Boards and related committees. Such an argument, however, neglects the local part icipatory character of r u r a l development ini t ia t ives such as Leader, and thei r claim to legitimacy on this basis. I t also neglects the importance of the wider issues related to the negative evaluation of "difference" impl ic i t i n a patriarchy. W i t h i n a h ighly gendered society such as I re land, the life experiences of men and women are typica l ly very different. Only a m i n o r i t y of m a r r i e d women, but a majori ty of marr ied men are i n paid employment and resources such as land, are typical ly i n male ownership rather t han i n women's own or j o i n t ownership (National Report on Ireland, 1994). I n this context, women's own day-to-day experiences h igh l igh t the rea l i ty of the differences i n the i r l ives and pr ior i t ies . There is evidence tha t , i n cer tain contexts, women recognise this difference and value i t . Thus, the M R B I Survey (1992) showed tha t the majori ty of the women i n tha t study saw feminism as "ensuring tha t the things i n life wh ich women value receive fu l l consideration i n how the society and economy develops", and i n "developing a society i n such a way tha t women play a part". Typically, however, al though feminin i ty is defined i n terms of unpaid love labour (Lynch, 1989) i n the home and i n the com­ muni ty , the real societal value attached to such work is questionable. This was v iv id ly i l lus t ra ted by the fact tha t the M a t r i m o n i a l Homes B i l l (1993) providing for j o i n t ownership of the family home to a spouse who had not been i n paid employment was found to be unconst i tut ional on the grounds tha t the mandatory nature of j o i n t ownership, wh ich would over-rule any prior agreement tha t migh t have been made by the spouses, constituted an unjustified interference i n the authori ty of the family. I n the Ba l lyhoura study even for these middle class, essentially affluent women ; the i r r u r a l community tour i sm ini t ia t ives constituted an impor tan t source of independent income. Thus, although, on the one hand, these women d i d not "notice" w h i c h organisa t ional s t ructures cont ro l led economic resources (and hence impl ic i t ly subscribed to a view tha t such resources were i r re levant) ; on the other hand, they saw their own r u r a l community tour ism ini t ia t ives as valuable because they made a "real" (i.e., economic) contribution to the household finances. Thus, the obscuring of economic realities applied only to part icular contexts, and did so i n a way tha t d id not favour women. You may f ind a place as long as you simulate the norm and hide your difference. We w i l l know you are different and continue u l t ima te ly to t rea t you as different, bu t i f you yourself specify your difference, your claim to equality w i l l be n i l . (Cockburn, 1991, p. 219) This paper is concerned w i t h exploring the subtle mechanisms of consen­ sual patr iarchal control through an examination of the replies of a sample of women shareholders i n Ballyhoura. I t is to more detailed examination of the sample tha t we now tu rn . I V T H E I N T E R V I E W SAMPLE A random sample of the 76 ind iv idua l women who were shareholders i n the local Tour i sm Co-operative (Ballyhoura Fail te) provided the data which are used to explore w h a t has been described as pa t r i a r cha l contro l mechanisms. O f the 33 women selected, interviews were completed w i t h 30 respondents (2 were unobtainable due to holidays, and 1 was unavailable when contacted). The overwhelming major i ty (90%: 27/30) of the respondents were marr ied and had chi ldren. The age range covered almost the ent ire spectrum (25 years to 60 years+), al though more than two-thirds were i n their 40s and 50s. For the most par t , pa r t i cu la r ly t ak ing into account the i r age (and the we l l established association between age and educational level i n Ireland), they were well-educated. V i r t u a l l y the entire group had some k i n d of post-primary education, w i t h j u s t under one-third having finished their fu l l t ime education at T h i r d level (i.e., w i t h a degree, a teaching or a nurs ing qualification). The overwhelming majority (87%: 26/30) of those interviewed were actively involved i n some aspect which they defined as r u r a l community tour i sm. M a r i t a l status was not related to such activity. Typically those who had not yet become actively involved intended to do so shortly and so are included i n the remainder of the discussion. Thir ty-f ive activities were described i n th is way, w i t h roughly a quarter (i.e., 7) of the respondents being involved i n two or more such enterprises. As can be seen from Table 1, by far the most common type of ac t iv i ty (undertaken by 37% of the sample) was keeping students, a "homestay" type of programme for foreign students and/or agri­ cu l tura l students. The majori ty of the respondents who were involved i n this type of act ivi ty were also involved i n some other aspect. Amongst the sample as a whole, Bed and Breakfast was the next most common type of ac t iv i ty ( involv ing 1 i n 3 of the respondents). Self Cater ing and to a lesser extent F a r m Vis i t s and/or A c t i v i t y Hol idays were also ment ioned, as w e l l as involvement i n the pub trade. Table 1: Percentage Distribution of Respondents in Terms of their Type of Involvement in Rural Community Tourism in Ballyhoura Bed & Breakfast incl. Farm Visits Keeping Guesthouse and and 1or Activity No Active Students Self-Catering Farmhouse Accom. Hols. Pub Involvement 37% (11) 23% (7) 33% (10) 13% (4) 10% (3) 13% (4) Note: Since some respondents were involved in more than 1 type of activity, percentages do not add up to 100%. Almost ha l f of the respondents had been tour is t providers for between 3-5 years. There was, however, a wide variat ion i n length of involvement, w i t h 10 per cent being involved for a very long t ime (more than 21 years); 13 per cent for less t han 2 years and the remainder for 6-11 years. A sizeable major i ty (5/30) were members of at least one other local tour i s t organisation (i.e., Mi tche ls town; the Glen of Aherlow; Lough Gur Development; Fermoy). A further 2 women had served on the Ballyhoura Fail te Management Commit­ tee. These numbers, however, are too small to war ran t detailed analysis. The major i ty of respondents (70%: 21/70) said tha t they wou ld l i ke to develop/expand thei r own Rura l Community Tourism enterprise. When they were asked i n wha t way, the major i ty referred specifically to expanding accommodation and/or meals, catering for more people/doing more bed and breakfast and t ak ing more students. However, of those i n this sample, only 13 per cent (4/30) applied for Leader I funds. Three of these applications were for cottage improvements/renovations. Typical ly the applications were for £10,000; and only 1 respondent was completely clear t h a t the source was Leader. The low level of appl icat ion by these female shareholders was confirmed by documentary evidence (Fox, 1994) wh ich showed t h a t 14 per cent (11/76) of the female Bal lyhoura Fail te Shareholders received letters of offer: a v i r t ua l ly identical proportion to those i n this sample (13%: 4/30) who indicated tha t they applied for funds. I t is perhaps w o r t h no t ing that , i n indica t ing w h y they had not applied, references were made, for example, to wha t was perceived as the insuf­ f ic ient ly large scale of the i r proposed act iv i ty and/or i ts perceived lack of employment potential: I asked generally about the possibilities of get t ing a grant but was to ld t ha t jobs must come out of i t . There was t a l k of me doing up old buildings but I didn't t h i n k tha t what I was doing was big enough. Others were put off by what they saw as the need to have an ensuite i n the bedrooms i n order to get a grant, whi le s t i l l others approached Bal lyhoura Fail te (rather t han Ballyhoura Development) for Leader funds. Mpre t h a n ha l f of the women i n this sample were involved i n other kinds of on-site economic activit ies — main ly bu t not exclusively farms. More t han h a l f of the sample (54%: 15/27) who had a partner alive, described his ma in occupation as a farmer. The husbands of those who were mar r i ed were v i r t ua l l y a l l middle class, three-quarters i n fact being i n Social Class 1 and 2 (using the I r i s h Central Statistics Office classification schema). Furthermore, the predominant ly middle class nature of the i r husbands' class posit ion persisted when one focused on those who were not farmers (see Table 2). Not surprisingly perhaps the overwhelming majority of the women said tha t they had access to a car (dur ing the day: 87%; and dur ing the evening: 87%) and to a phone (97%). Roughly a quarter (27%: 8/30) of the respondents themselves were involved i n off-farm paid employment — mainly fu l l t ime (5/8) — and overwhelmingly Table 2: Husband's Current Social Class Position (Assessed Using the CSO Classification Schema) Social Including Excluding Class Farmers All Farmers